Centre College
Danville, Kentucky
and
The Shaker Village of Pleasant Hill
Harrodsburg, Kentucky
The Society for Seventeenth-Century Music
Third Annual Conference
April 27-30, 1995
ABSTRACTS
(in alphabetical order by author)
Song-Text Themes within Henry Playford’s Harmonia Sacra:
A Mirror of Seventeenth-Century Anglicanism?
Susan Tara Brown
Henry Playford’s Harmonia Sacra represents a culmination of the English devotional song tradition. This two-volume anthology of sacred song contains pieces by Henry Purcell, John Blow, Matthew Locke, Pelham Humfrey, and other English baroque composers. It may be likened to the center, or hub, of a wheel, and its theological, social, and musical contexts to spokes emanating from that center. This paper focuses specifically on the texts and on the ways in which they reflect the state of Anglicanism in the seventeenth century. The composers of Harmonia Sacra set poems written by a wide variety of seventeenth-century literary figures. Some of the most popular English poets of the time are represented, such as Francis Quarles and Abraham Cowley. Poems by popular divines are also included, as are works by the prominent English metaphysicals, John Donne and George Herbert. Taken in sum, the song-texts mirror the doctrines and diversity of seventeenth-century Anglicanism, as the Church of England sought to unite disparate religious parties and traditions under the umbrella of the via media, England’s unique synthesis of Christian historical tradition with Protestant Reformation theology.
See Susan Tara Brown, English Devotional Song as a Mirror of Seventeenth-Century Anglicanism: A Thematic and Musical-Rhetorical Analysis of Henry Playford's Harmonica sacra (Ph.D. diss., Claremont Graduate School, 1995)
The Sources of Dance Music for the Ballet de cour before Lully
David Buch
The central musical sources for the dances in the early ballets de cour--the Philidor manuscripts in Paris (1690), Michael Praetorius’s Terpsichore (Wolfenbüttel 1612), a French manuscript in Berlin (Mus. Ms. 40160), and Robert Ballard’s two prints for solo lute (Paris 1611, 1614)--have not yet received the analysis that would help to clarify their respective reliability, trace the transmission of their dance tunes, and inform us about the ways the melodies were realized in performance. With the divergent purposes, derivations and notation of these sources taken into account, significant differences in rhythm, meter, pitch, and the form of the melodies indicate that Praetorius’s readings are the least accurate. One possible reason for Praetorius’s variants is the inaccurate nature of the violin tablature that was commonly in use then. This notation lacks rhythmic values and shows the fingering of a melody without indicating mode, key or even certain accidentals. (A five-part ensemble realization by one or more composers, based on the pre-composed melody or a two-part transcription of it, seems to have been the common practice in France, although other approaches were also employed. These peculiar divisions of labor appear to have been characteristic of the “corporate” guild system of the Parisian musicians of that era).
While we cannot be certain of the accuracy of Philidor’s readings (his own sources are unknown to us today, and this music had passed out of favor when he prepared the manuscripts), a detailed comparison of all concordant readings suggests somewhat more fidelity to the original performances than that in Praetorius’s versions. Considered highly unreliable by past scholars, Philidor emerges as a somewhat more faithful editor than previously thought, specifying the composers of both the melodies and the accompanying voices when he knew them. This has important implications for the reliability of his four and five-part readings--the polyphonic arrangements of specific ballet dances from particular performances (both concert and ballet versions). Since the concert versions were performed by the same ensembles that realized the music for the ballets, we are probably seeing as accurate a picture of the actual dance music from these ballets as can be found at the present time. Finally, the analysis of Philidor’s readings may offer crucial insight into an influential tradition of French instrumental style (e.g., texture, harmony, the use of dissonance) during a period that until now has remained obscure.
See David J. Buch, "The Sources of Dance Music for the Ballet de cour before Lully" in Revue de Musicologie 82 (1996): 314-331.
Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Broxbourne 84.9 and
London, Lambeth Palace Library MS 1041:
English Sources of Songs with Theorbo (ca. 165O-3)
by Charles Colman (ca. 1605-1664) and His Contemporaries*
Gordon J. Callon
Lambeth Palace Library MS 1041 and Bodleian Library MS Broxbourne 84.9 are two closely related mid seventeenth-century English sources (ca. 1650-1663) of solo songs in English, French, and Italian. Except for seven songs added later (ca. 1665-1670) to Lip MS 1041, all of the songs in both manuscripts are provided with fully written-out accompaniment for theorbo. Many of the songs have extensive vocal ornamentation, the French songs in a manner distinctly different in style from the Italian and some of the English. As a result, the manuscripts are of interest for evidence of period vocal embellishmentand theorbo continuo style, as well as for the repertoire they contain--several of the songs are unique to the manuscripts or are unique variants.
French songs are unusual in mid seventeenth-century English song books. (They are a little more common in sources dating from the earlier part of the century.) Another song collection, GB-Lbl Harley MS 7549 contains the trebles only to several French, Italian, and English songs. Several of these are concordances with songs in Lip MS 1041 and Ob MS Broxbourne 84.9.
Lip MS 1041, the song book of “The Lady Ann Blount,” has long been familiar to scholars as a source of mid seventeenth-century song. The manuscript is a medium size folio of almost 100 leaves, bound in gold-tooled calf. Measuring 290 x 195 mm, it is slightly smaller than Ob MS Broxbourne 84.9. Every second leaf is ruled with alternating 5- and 6-line music staves, eight per page. Many of the leaves are blank. This and the manner in which the different hands are interspersed through the manuscript suggest that the music was entered randomly at different times over several years.
*See Gordon J. Callon, “Songs with Theorbo by Charles Colman and his Contemporaries in Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Broxbourne 84.9, and London, Lambeth Palace Library MS 1041: Commentary, Contents, and Concordance”in the Journal of the Lute Society of America XIV (1991): 1-52 (published April 1995) and G. J. Callon, ed., Songs with Theorbo (ca. 1650-1663) (Madison: A-R Editions, 2000). Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era, vol. 105.
Cavalli’s Musical Legacy:
Works by Strozzi and Bembo
Claire Fontijn
--Abstract not available--
“La prima diva della lirica italiana”:
New Light on the Life and Career of Anna Renzi
Beth L. Glixon
Anna Renzi, whom Claudio Sartori called the first diva of the Italian lyric stage, was the most celebrated singer during the first decade of public opera in Venice. Her stunning performances at the Teatro Novissimo and Teatro SS. Giovanni e Paolo were immortalized in a number of publications of the 1640s; after appearing in operas in Genoa and Innsbruck, she returned to the Venetian stage in the mid-1650s. Her life has sparked the interest of a number of scholars, most recently Ellen Rosand.
My discussion of Renzi focuses on new documentary material from Venice that concerns both the public and private sides of her life. Her contract for Deidamia (Teatro Novissimo, 1643/44), one of the few to survive for this period, provides a standard for her monetary worth as a singer, and addresses issues of concern to a professional singer of the mid Seicento. A later contract reveals Renzi’s partnership with Giovanni Battista Balbi (the famous dancer and director of the touring Febiarmonici) for the mounting of another production of Deidamia in Florence. These, along with additional materials, including a marriage contract and one of her wills, give us a vivid sense of Renzi the woman and the artist. They bring to life a prima donna willing to offer assistance to friends, to assume financial risks, and to maintain her career during a period of falling salaries.
See B. L. Glixon, "Private Lives of Public Women: Prima donnas in Mid Seventeenth-Century Venice" in Music & Letters 76 (1995): 509-531.
Far il buon concerto:
Music at the Venetian Scuole piccole in the Seventeenth Century
Jonathan E. Glixon
Accounts of sacred musical life in Italian cities have tended to focus on the activities of the court or cathedral chapel, while ignoring other institutions entirely, or considering them only in passing. Though the central chapel was certainly the most prestigious of the musical establishments, recent work has shown that other institutions, especially large and wealthy lay confraternities such as the laudesi companies in Florence or the scuole grandi in Venice, were vital contributors to cultural life beginning in the Renaissance, bringing polyphonic music to great numbers of citizens who might never have had the opportunity to hear court or cathedral musicians.
New discoveries in the Venetian archives demonstrate that even the poorer and smaller, though much more numerous, scuole piccole played a significant role in the musical culture of seventeenth-century Venice. I will show in this paper how the annual celebrations of each confraternity’s patron saint, which had become occasions for quite elaborate music making in the sixteenth century, continued to grow in splendor during the seventeenth century, often involving the employment of some of the most famous musicians in Venice, including composers and performers usually associated with the ducal chapel of San Marco, such as Francesco Cavalli, Giovanni Rovetta, Natale Monferrato, and Antonio Lotti. Of particular interest are Lotti’s efforts at the end of the century to bring the up-to-date styles in use at San Marco to one of these confraternities, and thus to a segment of the Venetian population not otherwise exposed to them.
See J. E. Glixon, "Far il buon concerto: Music at the Venetian Scuole piccole in the Seventeenth Century" in Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 1 (1995), http://www.sscm-jscm.org/jscm/v1/no1/glixon.html.
Criticism after the "Age of Criticism":
Genres of Poetry and Poesia per musica in the Early Seicento
Robert R. Holzer
--Abstract not available--
Refrain Structures in the Psalms of Chiara Margarita Cozzolani
Robert L. Kendrick
--Abstract not available--
A Modern Centaur:
Musical Representations of Genre in Early Seicento Theater
Anne MacNeil
In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, actors and directors relied on theatrical convention to determine the propriety of their musical performances in plays. Conformity to the rules of genre established by Aristotle and Neoplatonic conceptions of universal hierarchy provided them with venerable and unshakeable authorities by which to establish theatrical verisimilitude and, when necessary, defend their art. Musical performance, one of the three components of dramatic practice described by Angelo Ingegneri in the 1580s, reinforced these codes of genre-driven verisimilitude and propriety through style, form, and levels of technical difficulty.
Adherence to convention became especially apparent in pastoral dramas and mixed genres, which took on characteristics of either comedy or tragedy in order to maintain existing Aristotelian and Neoplatonic regulations. Two diverging strands of pastoralism result, reflecting a fundamental disparity in the function of music in pastoral plays. On one hand, Virgilian pastorals and comedies permit performance of realistic songs and instrumental compositions where characters recognize that they are making music and that musical discourse is different from their quotidian mode of speech. In contrast, mythical pastorals and tragedies, with their noble personae and implications of divinity, give evidence of an otherworldly landscape within which speech occurs primarily through the medium of music. Such distinctions between comedic and tragedic conventions are made conspicuous in Giovan Battista Andreini’s play La centaura (1622), modelled on Chaeremon's rhapsody in mixed genres entitled The Centaur (fourth-century B.C.E .). Andreini’s play, too, consists of a combination of genres, providing various conditions of propriety and verisimilitude for musical performance.
The distinctions made among comedy, tragedy, and pastoral drama in Andreini’s La centaura engender new ways of thinking about genre definition and musical performance and style in Baroque theater. They are especially significant to our understanding of differences and similarities between plays with music and music dramas. Andreini’s Centaura affords us the opportunity to derive guidelines for the inclusion of music in plays where stage directions and incidental texts may not be in evidence, and it offers potential reasons for composers’ musical decisions in the creation of nascent opera.
D’India, Vitali, and the Venetian Strophic Aria
Roark Miller
The early 1620s witnessed a phenomenal outpouring of Venetian solo canzonettas by composers such as Alessandro Grandi, Giovanni Berti, and Carlo Milanuzzi, whose multiple publications were printed with series titles such as “Cantade et arie” and “Scherzo di ariose vaghezze.” During this time, a number of foreign composers visited Venice and contributed to the craze for strophic arias, foremost among them Sigismondo d'India and Filippo Vitali. Vitali’s recounting of an informal musical gathering at a patrician’s house, along with evidence of d'India’s actual visit to Venice, suggest a forum through which textual and musical interchange occurred between the two groups of composers, foreign and resident. Musical analysis reveals both commonalities between their canzonettas as well as differences, including the Venetians’ predilection for matching repetitive verse meters with melodic sequences to the detriment of proper word accentuation.
In addition, examination of the Venetian collections by foreign visitors allows us to see more clearly the types of music performed for Venetian patrons at informal musical gatherings. Resident Venetian composers did not take a very active role in the printing of their canzonetta collections; many of these were in fact assembled by Venetian printers, who also signed their dedications. Contrarily, the foreign composers attended to the printing of their songbooks and included in them polyphonic canzonettas, monodic laments, and other through-composed monodies. as well as solo canzonettas. This evidence suggests that Venetian patrons enjoyed wider variety of musical genres than the Venetian printers selected for mass distribution. Thus, the oft-mentioned popularity of the Venetian solo canzonetta began as a bias created on the part of the printers, Vincenti and Magni, who were seeking accessible music for the widest possible audience.
Music of the Ravish’d Soul:
Some Reflections on Seventeenth-Century Settings of the Song of Songs
Steven E. Plank
--Abstract not available--
Cracks in the Convent Wall:
Music as Dialogue between Convent and Community
Colleen Reardon
Although the edicts of the Council of Trent were intended to make the convent wall an impregnable fortress, monastic women quickly learned that music was an excellent means of communication with the outside world. In cities such as Bologna and Milan, this led nuns and church authorities into conflicts over musical activities and resulted in periodic restrictions regarding nuns’ music. Records from convents in Seicento Siena, however, reveal no such confrontations and no such restrictions. Sienese nuns exploited music to force cracks in their convent walls; in this way, they were able to “project their voices” virtually at will into the city and to cultivate musical dialogues with various groups on the outside. Nuns not only interacted musically with the clergy, they also forged strong ties with the city’s musicians, who taught them, performed with them, and kept them abreast of current trends. Women in monasteries with important relics engaged in musical exchanges with the community at large during ritual processions. A number of Sienese archbishops, most notably Ascanio II Piccolomini, appear to have played important roles in assuring this musical freedom for their spiritual daughters.
See C. Reardon, Holy Concord within Sacred Walls: Nuns and Music in Siena, 1575-1700 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Beneath the Librettist’s Skin
Cavalli’s Interpretation of Busenello’s Gli amori d’Apollo e di Dafne
Jane Redd
Most music dictionaries and encyclopedias have little if anything to say about Francesco Cavalli’s second opera, Gli amori d'Apollo e di Dafne written in 1640 for the San Cassiano theater in Venice. Although not a success like Cavalli’s later works Il Giasone or L'Ormindo, nor a significant philological resource, Gli amori d’Apollo e di Dafne repays examination as an experimental stage in the development of Cavalli’s dramatic ideas. The absence here of many of the standard elements typical of early Baroque operas--the complex plots, stock scenes, schematic forms, and standardized placement of arias--shifts the emphasis back onto the literary text and its translation into music.
Cavalli’s attention to the dramatic content of his libretto is embodied both in the larger structure and in subtleties of form and musical material. The composer’s physical alterations of the text range from word substitution and small additions of text to omissions of entire scenes. The omissions in particular alter the symmetric balance of scenes as presented in the libretto. The ensuing structural weighting of events thus indicates Cavalli’s understanding of the plot: the cuts in Acts II and III of scenes devoted to the lesser of the two subplots strengthens the focus of the work as composed. Instead of concluding with Busenello’s moralizing—and unsettled--debate on the wisdom of Dafne’s refusal to accept Apollo’s love, along with other philosophical themes drawn from the background of the librettist’s Accademia degli Incogniti, Cavalli concentrates on the pleasant fable of the metamorphosis.
Arias in this opera are placed fully in the service of the text, in which they narrate some aspect of the plot, characterize, or show a psychological development of a character. Cavalli molds the musical structure of the text to fit its dramatic role and content: verse is set as aria if its content or situation suggests praise or joy, regardless of its poetic form. In other situations, Cavalli chooses to amplify in his setting the flexible transitions between a character’s states of mind, hinted at in the libretto by different verse forms. Dafne’s introductory scene (Act I, scene 4) illustrates this sensitivity to text content, with its variety of set forms mixed with arioso and recitative. Dafne’s happiness shielded from the complications of love is musically tangible. In a different way, Cavalli’s setting of the lament provided for Apollo after Dafne’s transformation creates a crescendo of emotion through certain musical conventions (descending tetrachord as ostinato motif, affective recitative), and also a focus for irony in characterization. Recollection of how the same phrygian tetrachord was used in earlier scenes with Apollo in Act II illuminates Apollo's character retrospectively in a manner not evident from the musical lament alone. These two scenes, Dafne’s entrance with its presentation of the main conflict and Apollo’s characterization through the lament, illustrate how Cavalli uses the material of his libretto as a starting point for his composition, revealing a more concentrated and deeper interpretation of the material than the librettist Busenello had made obvious.
Women, Magic, and Incantation in Counter-Reformation Rome:
Domenico Mazzocchi’s La catena d’Adone
Susan Shimp
Domenico Mazzocchi’s La catena d’Adone (Rome, 1626), which has received a prominent place in the history of early Italian opera, is probably best remembered for its apparently puzzling mezz’arie, which, according to Mazzocchi’s famous comment at the end of the score, “have been inserted to break the tedium of the recitative" ("Vi sono molt’altre mezz’arie sparse per l’opera, che rompono ii tedio del recitativo"). These mezz'arie have inspired questions involving their dramatic function in the opera, their very definition as a musical style of text setting, and even Mazzocchi’s authorship of portions of the work. This paper, however, focuses on the mezz'arie of the opera’s most compelling character, the seductress Falsirena, her use of amatory magic, and her evocative “incantation” scene. Study of the 1626 printed score and variances among the surviving libretti (several of which have not been discussed) reveal that this magical character’s music and language directly confronted Counter-Reformation Rome’s ideas about feminine power, sexuality, pagan ritual, and the occult, and did so with a libretto based upon Marino’s Adone—a banned book. Yet it is also clear that both Mazzocchi and the librettist, Ottavio Tronsarelli, showed a careful consideration of post-Tridentine conservatism in their interpretation of Marino’s poem, incorporating Ficinian and Neoplatonist views on love and magic, and ultimately advocating moral values and objective reason over excessive pleasure and the vulnerable senses. Magic and incantation scenes in opera were wildly popular around mid-century in Venice and Madrid. They dazzled their audiences, inspiring innovative texts and equally imaginative musical settings. A textual and harmonic analysis of Mazzocchi and Tronsarelli’s 1626 treatment of the budding operatic convention is an important put of understanding both its definitive characteristics in communicating to a seventeenth-century audience and, more specifically, its message concerning women, magic, and incantation to the audiences of post-Tridentine Rome.
Urban VIII’s Physician Reports “On the Origin and Nobility Of Dance”
Barbara Sparti
Del origine et nobiltà del ballo, a treatise on the dance, has recently come to light in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. It was written, probably in the early 1620s, by Giulio Cesare Mancini, personal physician to Pope Urban VIII. Famous in his lifetime, Mancini is also--to art historians--well-known today because of his essays on the lives and works of artists, most of which have been published in this century. The relatively small tract on the dance (thirty folios) is, on the other hand, still in manuscript and has heretofore gone unobserved by dance historians and musicologists. Its importance lies, first of all, in the fact that, while written more or less at the same time as Il corago and Doni’s Musica scenica, it is entirely dedicated to the dance, the last and latest in a series of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century dance treatises. Secondly, it is one of the few contemporary works to deal with the theory of dance, with no attention whatsoever paid to practical, choreographic aspects. Furthermore, Del origine et nobiltà del ballo is one of a limited number of dance treatises composed by “amateurs”and not “professionals” (i.e., dancing-masters).
In his introductory “chapter,” Mancini cites ancient kings, Greek philosophers, and legendary heroes so as to advertise the magnificence, nobility, and utility of the dance for both body and soul. He goes on to discuss the various specialized fields which are concerned with dance, and explains why dancers are not the best critics of their own art. The dance of the ancients is discussed at length (dance as imitation of passions, behavior and deeds), and includes a comparison, for example, of the Pyrrhic with the contemporary Moresca. Mancini also refers to several dances--amongst those “danced today,” such as the gagliarda, barriera, chiaranzana and mattaccino--which were already popular favorites in the mid-to- late-sixteenth century. He acknowledges the work of Fabritio Caroso, but he doesn't copy or paraphrase him. Towards the end of the treatise, he speaks of several of the fundamental steps used by Caroso and Negri, and even describes a few. All this seems to confirm that the new style of dancing, which emerged in Italy around 1550, or earlier, was still very much alive and well at the end of the 1620s in Rome. Though Mancini, who had been very much part of the papal entourage as both physician and connoisseur, died in 1630, one year before the first of the Barberini operas, his comments may nonetheless prove valuable for any study or analysis of the dances and dance music in these and other early Seicento Roman operas.
“No, faithless man, thy course pursue”:
Purcell’s Dido and Aeneas as Political Allegory
Andrew R. Walkling
This paper seeks to bring to bear on our understanding of Dido and Aeneas a new conception of literature and, particularly, courtly literature of the seventeenth century as an inherently political form. As a result of recent discoveries that have led scholars to reassess the date and venue of Dido’s original performance, it is possible to view Tate and Purcell’s work as a court masque and thereby to see it as participating in the strategies of political allegory and concealed meaning that characterize the literature and drama of the court during this period.
When examined with this in mind, Dido can be shown to function as an allegory of the reign of James II. By both reenacting past events and predicting the future consequences of those events, the masque presents a condemnation of the unconstitutional actions taken by James in his drive to strengthen the position of Roman Catholicism in England in the late 1680s. At the same time, however, Tate’s introduction of malevolent outside forces in the form of the Witches effectively absolves James of much of the immediate responsibility for his deeds, and portrays instead a sympathetic picture of a weak and indecisive king led astray by his evil counsellors. Nonetheless, the masque makes clear that James’s actions have led to a breakdown of constitutional order in England and the destruction of the bonds between monarch and people, allegorized through Aeneas’s departure for Rome and Dido’s resultant death.
See A. R. Walkling, "Political allegory in Purcell's 'Dido and Aeneas'" in Music and Letters 76 (1995): 540-71.
“The Welfare of the Stage”:
Seventeenth-Century Jesuit School Drama in the Hapsburg Empire
Timothy D. Watkins
Since Thomas Culley’s Jesuits and Music (1970), little has been written about the musical activities of the Society of Jesus in the Hapsburg Empire during the seventeenth century. The Society’s musical influence during that period can be seen most strongly not in liturgical music, but in the music of the Jesuit school plays.
Jesuit theater began as simple dialogues but soon evolved into elaborate and complex spectacles involving music and dance. Both tragedies and comedies following classical models were produced. The average Jesuit college presented two principal public plays a year. Important church festivals such as Corpus Christi, Christmas, Epiphany, Passiontide and Easter, the patronal feast day of the college or town, and the canonizations of saints were all celebrated with special dramatic presentations. In addition, royal marriages such as that of Leopold I and Margaret of Spain at Vienna in 1667 were frequently marked by special productions, as were the visits of distinguished persons such as Queen Christina of Sweden, who visited Innsbruck in 1655 on her way to Rome for the purpose of conversion to Catholicism. An account of presentations of Jesuit school dramas at the Jesuit Collegium Germanicum in Rome in honor of Queen Christina is illustrative of the significance of such dramas in Hapbsburg lands.
The significance of dance in the Jesuit school drama varied according to region. The role of dance was not as important in the Jesuit colleges of the Habsburg empire as it was in the French Jesuit dramas, but it was occasionally used for its symbolic meaning. This was the case with the danse macabre, a revival and development of the medieval Dance of Death in South Germany and Austria.
Among the purposes of Jesuit school dramas were oratorical and moral instruction--important elements in the training of young men whom the Jesuits intended for leadership roles. The school plays were also tools for Jesuit theological propaganda. Theatrical condemnation of the major Reformers such as Luther and Calvin dwindled by the seventeenth century, and Jesuit productions were even attended by Protestants, but Jansenists were frequent targets of merciless polemics. It is perhaps indicative of the greater threat to the Society from Jansenism than from Protestantism that the theatrical attacks against the first continued while those against the second died down.
The play Ferdinandus quintus rex Hispanie maurorum domitor with music by Johann Bernhard Staudt (1654-1712), is a good example of a Viennese Jesuit production in the latter half of the seventeenth century. Its subject (a historical/allegorical account of the defeat of the Moors in Spain), language, elaborate use of music, avoidance of female characters (except for mythological ones such as Juno), and the obvious intent of combining moral instruction with glorification of the state and the emperor, are all elements which combine to shed light on the influence of the Society of Jesus on the cultural life of the Hapsburg empire. This influence can be clearly seen in what was perhaps the most important role of Jesuit school dramas--their part in the training of such composers as Pavel Josef Vejvanovsky, Heinrich Biber and Philippus Jacobus Rittler, whose compositional activities would extend far beyond the Jesuit colleges in which they were educated.
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